The survey is a part of two reports that Tomorrow Vietnamese Forum is currently undertaking: “The Anti-Communism Zeal is What Vietnamese Americans Make of It” and “The Voices of the Vietnamese American Youth.”

In the context of starting over in the US, common culture and common fate may have facilitated Vietnamese refugees to find each other and to stick together for mutual benefits and assistance. Interestingly, today, in the context of a growing cultural generation gap among Vietnamese Americans, cultural or social obligation is very much alive, at least among the survey’s respondents. All respondents agree that Vietnamese in America should work together for mutual assistance!

Yet, the actual exchange of doing things for each other and the organization/mobilization for common goals require trust. There appears to be considerable trust among the respondents. Forty-two percent believe that most Vietnamese can be trusted, and 58 percent believe some Vietnamese can be trusted. No one marks that most Vietnamese cannot be trusted.

However, there is an indication of a political gap. On how these respondents would personally define “anti-communism” to mean today versus their perception of what Vietnamese leaders in the US would define “anti-communism,” there appears to be a considerable gap. Nineteen percent of respondents personally define “anti-communism” as fighting communism, 38 percent as fighting democracy and pluralism, and 38 percent as encouraging Vietnam to improve its policy on human rights, democratic norms and practices. By contrast, 47 percent of respondents think that Vietnamese leaders define “anti-communism” as fighting communism, 29 percent as fighting democracy and pluralism, and 18 percent as encouraging Vietnam to improve its policy on human rights, democratic norms and practices. The implications of such definitions on community politics, however, cannot be interpreted empirically, at least in this survey. Rather, it is left to substantive or subjective interpretation.

Nonetheless, a trait unique to Vietnamese Americans is their ability to organize protests and demonstrations easily and effectively in stating their policy preference, particularly on homeland issues.

Here, a key question is whether mobilization on homeland issues provides a foundation for subsequent political mobilization on domestic issues or whether it serves as a distraction from it, as noted by Nhu-Ngoc Ong and David Meyer. Fifty percent of respondents say that it provides mobilization on domestic issues, 8 percent say that it serves as a distraction, and 36 percent say don’t know; the high percent of don’t know could be attributed to the wordings of the question. Worthy of note is that a number of respondents independently wrote on the survey that they would support and like to see subsequent mobilization on domestic issues.

There was one question pertaining to the Vietnam Freedom March, whether respondents perceive the march to be directed toward homeland issues, domestic political concerns, or both. Fifty-eight percent say both, 26 percent say homeland issues, and 8 percent say domestic issues.

There was a question pertaining to media images of Vietnamese Americans. Thirty-one percent of respondents report that the US mainstream media portrayal of the collective image of Vietnamese Americans is positive, 28 percent say negative, and 38 percent say don’t know; again, the high percentage of don’t know could be attributed to the wordings of the question.

Overall, if the survey’s respondents are roughly representative of young Vietnamese American consumers of community activities, it could be said that this group maintains high levels of cultural or social obligation and trust. This group appears to be supportive of mobilization on domestic issues. Regarding the gap between respondents’ perspective on “anti-communism” and their perception of leaders on “anti-communism,” it is difficult to interpret what implication it has on community politics, at least empirically. Substantively, one could say “anti-communism” means different things at different times or places; “anti-communism” can also mean different things at the same time or place. One could further say that the shift from fighting communism to either fighting democracy and pluralism or encouraging Vietnam to improve its policy on human rights may facilitate more fluid discussion or tolerance of issues relating to “anti-communism”.

Fortunately, a previous e-survey conducted among Vietnamese Student Association’s members across 15 US universities/colleges will allow for further investigation on questions of trust, priority on specific domestic and homeland issues, “anti-communism,” political participation, cultural values, and their relations to one another. A full report on this survey will not be available until late summer 2005.

If there is a disclaimer, it is that the survey as well as the e-survey should be seen as empirical explorations, i.e. to test the validity of the survey’s questions and responses. When funding becomes available, a more systematic survey will be conducted.

P.S. If you like to be notified when TVF reports of “The Anti-Communism Zeal is What Vietnamese Americans Make of It” and “The Voices of the Vietnamese American Youth” and other materials are released, please email tvfreports@yahoo.com.

ABOUT THE SURVEY

The Survey of Young Vietnamese American on Protest Politics was conducted during Vietnam Freedom March’s program in DC on April 30, 2005. The survey attempted to distinguish those who participated in the “March to the US Capitol” and those who were the general audience. It also attempted to conduct the survey on a random basis. Nonetheless, the survey is considered a non-random survey. Thus, caution should be used when interpretation the survey. Of all persons asked to participate in the survey, only three “refused.”

For more information Contact Dr. Long Le for other questions at lsle@mail.uh.edu. I wish to thank Dr. Aaron Hegde of California State University-Bakersfield and Patrick Nam Nguyen of Vietnamese Community of Houston and Vicinity for their help in conducting the survey. Any errors or shortcomings remain my sole responsibility.

RESPONDENTS’ DEMOGRAPHICS

GENDER
Male: 56%; Female: 44%

AGE
18-24: 50%; 25-34: 44%; 35-49: 6%
50-64: 0%; 65 and above: 0%

EDUCATION
HS diploma or less: 6%
Some college: 28%
College diploma: 36%
Graduate school/degree: 25%

ARRIVE IN US
Prior to 1975: 0%; 1975-1978: 6%; 1979-1989: 19%; 1990-1999: 36%; 2000-2005: 6%; Born in the US: 28%

STATE RESIDENCY
CA: 11%; DC: 14%; FL: 6%; IL: 17%; MD: 6%; MA: 11%; NY: 3%; TX: 8%; VA: 14%; WA: 6%

SURVEY QUESTIONS

Would you say that most Vietnamese in America can be trusted or that you need to be careful in dealing with Vietnamese?

Most Vietnamese can be trusted: 42%
Some Vietnamese can be trusted: 58%
Most Vietnamese cannot be trusted: 0%

Would you agree or disagree that Vietnamese in America should work together for mutual assistance?

Agree: 100%;
Disagree: 0%

Please indicate how you personally w
ould define the word “anti-communist” to mean today?

Fighting communism: 19%
Fighting for democracy and pluralism: 38%
Encouraging Vietnam to improve its policy on human rights, democratic norms and practices: 38%
Other: 3%

Please indicate how you think Vietnamese leaders in America today would define the word “anti-communist”?

Fighting communism: 47%
Fighting for democracy and pluralism: 29%
Encouraging Vietnam to improve its policy on human rights, democratic norms and practices: 18%
Other: 3%